NIGERIA: pan-Yoruba group, Afenifere Comeback Bid

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Read Time:5 Minute, 54 Second

After a period of lull, a foremost pan-Yoruba group, Afenifere, is making a gradual return to reckoning following its recent intervention in the state of the nation.

At some point in the life of the country, a larger population of the Yoruba people considered Afenifere, as a unifying force to serve their best interests in the federation. The group successfully warmed itself into the hearts of many Yorubas during period of military interregnum in politics. While many were silent and scared, Afenifere was unrepentant in its quest for the exit of the military and the enthronement of democracy.

The group, which had the late Chief Adekunle Ajasin, and later, Senator Abraham Adesanya as leaders during the period easily annexed the support of the people because they were bold, unflinching and very articulate. Their leaders were molested, unjustly detained and exiled by the military and yet, they stood their grounds. In fact, Adesanya narrowly escaped assassination during the period of the struggle.

But the group was soon to go into oblivion as the longest democratic dispensation in Nigeria takes its footing. Founding Afenifere members were locked in an unending battle and their political differences further polarised the group and made reconciliation near-impossible. Attempts to reconcile the group failed at various intersections.

Over time, the root cause of the Afenifere crisis was traced to personality clash between the late Chief Bola Ige, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, the late Ganiyu Dawodu and former Lagos State governor, Senator Bola Tinubu. Even when the late sage, Chief Awolowo was alive, Ige and Adebanjo were never best of friends. Thus, when Chief Olu Falae got the Alliance for Democracy (AD) presidential ticket with Ige losing out, the battle between him and Adebanjo was further escalated.

Likewise, Dawodu never pretended to like Tinubu. Backed by some elements within Afenifere, he fought tirelessly to hijack the AD structure from Tinubu. But Tinubu quickly protected himself by cleverly building his own political structure. The structure came handy for him in the 2003 elections after he rejected the 60:40 formula for the sharing of elective and appointive offices in Lagos state. Tinubu soon discovered a new avenue for the progressives to attain power without needing the Afenifere and that, he exploited.

Following these factors, Afenifere became bitterly factionalised. The division became prominent at the demise of Adesanya on August 27, 2008 when on November 20 of same year, a faction of the group installed Chief Reuben Fasoranti as the new chairman of the group in Ijebu-Igbo, Ogun State while another faction emerged and headed by Chief Ayo Fasanmi.

At this time, AD deputy governors- Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor and Iyiola Omisore were at war with their bosses; governors Adebayo Adefarati and Adeniyi Adebayo were at war over Ondo/Ekiti joint property; leadership tussle broke out in AD between Akande and Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa; aggrieved Afenifere/AD chieftains left for the PDP and the crisis became messier. And ever since, its voice thinned in the politics of the region, and faded at the national level.

Several attempts at resolving the protracted had failed on the twin altar of ego and political interest and which has continued to rub off the larger Yoruba nation within the national political space. Aside, the aspiration of some members of the group, who are not in the good books of ACN leaders have been stalled on political differences.

Piqued by this development, some younger generation-members of the Afenifere resolved to setup what was tagged Afenifere Renewal Group. Their intention was to stay away from the then seemingly intractable division among the older generation and carry on with the ideal of the group.

One of the brains behind the move was Mr. Jimi Agbaje, a former governorship candidate in Lagos State. “You will recall that some of us who were in Afenifere some years back were concerned about the issues between the elders of Afenifere on one hand and call it the past governors of the AD. And some of us, younger ones tried to make peace between the two parties.

“In the process, we found that it was becoming almost impossible to bring them together and we decided that if we cannot get the elders and the past governors to come together – Afenifere is an organisation that was founded 1951; it’s a heritage of the Yoruba and it is something that we must not allow to die and so, we decided that the best option forward was to come together and remove ourselves from the two feuding party and try to chart a course for Afenifere Renewal Group. So we setup the Afenifere Renewal Group not being on either side.”

Even in spite of the ARG, some members of the original Afenifere group pondered reconciliation. To this end, a meeting, aimed at bringing unity back into the group was first held in the Akure home of the leader of the group, Fasoranti, who also chaired the meeting. Others at the meeting were Segun Ojo, Jimi Agbaje, Yinka Odumakin, Akin Onigbinde, Dayo Adeyeye, Senator Iyiola Omisore and some other breakaway members.

They discussed the marginalisation of the Yoruba by the President Goodluck Jonathan-led administration and attributed it to the polarisation of the Afenifere group. Therefore, the urgent need to bring all the old members back to the fold so that the Yoruba could speak with one voice again.

The group had fruitful discussions on how to advance the cause of the Yoruba nation and protect its interests. Those in attendance also noted that a lot of knotty issues affecting unity in the group be resolved and that persons at loggerheads be genuinely reconciled.

The group recorded another progress in its reconciliatory move when last week, it held a press where some of the reconciled members were present.  It discussed critical issues that border on insecurity, corruption, unemployment, subsidy and the centenary celebrations. The body condemned violent attacks such as terrorism, kidnapping, assassination and armed robbery that have made Nigerians live in fear and stressed that they must be tackled.

Members of the group who were present also commended the spirit of reconciliation and urged the media to acknowledge that fact as well as encourage them.

While many were optimistic that the reconciliation initiative would set a stage for the comeback of the body, it is important to point out that the key political actors in the South-west, especially those of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN); leaders and the state governors were conspicuously absent at the reconciliatory meeting.

Wale Oshun of the ACN-led group which is part of the ARG was quick to distance his group from the Akure meeting, saying the ARG was not at the meeting and that “Whoever attended and or participated at that meeting did so entirely on their own volition.”
While the rebirth of Afenifere signposts positive development for the Yoruba race, pundits are however of the view that where such initiative is predicated primarily on political consideration, it may suffer yet a major and devastating setback.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Jonathan Should Guard against Nigeria Sliding to Repressive Era, Warns Abubakar Audu

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Read Time:40 Second

The former Governor of Kogi state and ACN chieftain, Prince Abubakar Audu, has  called on President Goodluck  Jonathan, to  guard against the country sliding into repressive phase in the polity , by allowing  free and unfettered atmosphere ,  as  the country can break up more easily than  in any situation.

‘’Nigeria and Nigerians would not be able to sustain a repressive situation coupled with the current state of general insecurity in the country’’.

Putting Nigerians under any method of surveillance is  uncalled for.
Audu, who spoke to pressmen in lokoja,   Monday , said  any attempt to place opposition politicians on surveillance for whatever reason is fraught with danger, as it was capable  of breeding fear and apprehension across the country.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Adams Oshiomhole: I told Jonathan PDP Has Failed in Edo State

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Read Time:21 Second

 Governor Adams Oshiomhole of Edo State, Tuesday intimated President Goodluck Jonathan of the political liability that PDP has become in Edo State despite its 11 years of being on the saddle there.

This is against the recent backdrop of his carpeting his predecessor, Lucky Igbinedion.

Oshiomhole, who attributed his various successes over the PDP to divine intervention, was at the State House to confer with President Jonathan privately.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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NIGERIA: House of Representatives Ad hoc Committee Embarks on Retreat

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Read Time:58 Second

The House of Representatives Ad hoc Committee  on the Review of the Constitution is set to embark on a retreat for its members in preparation for the next stages of the  process of amending the 1999 Constitution.

This is coming barely two weeks after the successful presentation of the collated results of the people’s public sessions.

A statement by the Chairman, Sub-Committee on Media, Hon. Eziuche Ubani,  said the retreat would afford members of the committee an opportunity to deliberate on draft bills on the aspects of the 1999 Constitution that Nigerians would want to see amended as was clearly indicated by the voting during the Peoples’ Public Sessions held in the 360 federal constituencies last November.

According to the statement, the retreat slated for next week, will usher the committee into the next and crucial stage of its work of amending the constitution.

The peoples’ public session was a novel and publicly acclaimed initiative that sought and received the views of Nigerians in the nooks and crannies of the country on issues and areas they would want to be amended in the 1999 Constitution.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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NIGERIA: Cleansing the Judiciary

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Read Time:7 Minute, 9 Second

Last week, the National Judicial Council (NJC) took yet another bold step in the bid to salvage the judiciary and enforce discipline amongst members when it wielded the big stick against Justice Abubakar Talba of the High Court, Federal Capital Territory (FCT). The rescue mission championed by the Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar appears to be taking shape

The National Judicial Council (NJC) under the leadership of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar, last week, recorded another feat when it wielded the big stick against Justice Abubakar Talba of an Abuja High Court, after he was found guilty of handing an “unreasonable” sentence to a self-confessed pension thief, John Yakubu Yusufu. The council suspended the embattled judge for one year without any form of remuneration within the period.

Talba had on January 28, directed Yusufu to pay a fine of N750,000, shortly after the accused person who was a former Deputy Director in the pension office, admitted before the trial court that he conspired with six other civil servants and stole about N23billion from the Police Pension Fund.

Though section 309 of the Criminal Procedure Act, CPA, upon which the accused person was charged to court by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), gave the court the choice of sentencing the accused to a maximum of two years imprisonment with a fine, however, Justice Talba, used his discretion and ordered Yusufu to only pay a fine and go home.

Just before that, the council had recommended the compulsory retirement of Justice Charles Efang Archibong of the Federal High Court, Lagos and Justice Thomas Naron of the Plateau State High Court of Justice. The two judges were found guilty of professional misconduct.
Archibong was recommended for compulsory retirement for dismissing grievous charges against an accused person, the former Managing Director of Intercontinental Bank Plc, Mr. Erastus Akingbola, without even taking his plea. He, thereafter, refused to release the Certified True Copy of his ruling to lawyers in the case.

The judge was also accused of making unfounded and caustic comments on the professional competence of some Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN) and also issued bench warrants on some officials of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at a time that the counsel who was directed to serve them had filed an affidavit to the effect that he had not been able to serve them the contempt application.
There were also said to be glaring procedural irregularities in some of his decisions, which queried his understanding of the law and court procedures.

On his part, Justice Naron was recommended for retirement because the NJC found that there were constant and regular voice calls and exchange of text messages between him and Mr. Kunle Kalejaiye, one of the lead counsels to former governor of Osun State, Mr. Olagunsoye Oyinlola, during the hearing of the petition brought against Oyinlola’s election by Governor Rauf Aregbesola, at the Osun State governorship election Petitions Tribunal.

This was contrary to the Code of Conduct for Judicial Officials of the Federal Republic of Nigeria vide Section 292 (1) (b) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended.

Naron, thereafter, dismissed Aregbesola’s petition and declared Oyinlola the validly elected winner of the 2007 governorship election in Osun State. His judgment was, however, overturned by the Court of Appeal, which declared Aregbesola the rightful winner of the election. The two judges had since been suspended from their duties.

Ironically, all the offences the two judges were accused of were committed long before Mukhtar assumed office, yet she had the courage to act.

It is common knowledge that before Mukhtar assumed office in 2012 as the CJN, the judiciary was literally sliding into the abyss. Everyone, including its members, knew this admitted it. Both in the courtrooms and outside nobody was oblivious of what was going on.
Judgments and orders were traded like household needs in the open market or corner shops. Hundreds of millions and even billions of naira exchanged hands between litigants and judges. High profile criminals evaded justice with questionable judgments that amounted to a slap on the wrist. Judgments and rulings were sometimes not only biased and incongruous, but ridiculous even to the common man. Serious cases were flippantly dismissed; ridiculous restraining orders and sentences that made the judiciary a laughing stock became commonplace.

But the question was: “Who will bell the cart?”
It was just in time that President Goodluck Jonathan nominated Justice Mukhtar as the new CJN. By this position, she was not only going to head the courts but other powerful judicial bodies such as the Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC), National Judicial Council (NJC) and the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC). This again threw a lot of people off guard, especially those who had thought that the president would deviate from the tradition of appointing the most senior justice of the Supreme Court the CJN into that office.

The NJC which is the constitutional body responsible for the discipline of erring judges had long been in existence, but somewhat ineffective. No matter the petition written to the council on the misconduct of a judge, it usually ended up a naught.

Today, however, the reverse is the case. The fear of the NJC under Mukhtar is the beginning of wisdom, albeit for the smart ones. Judges are very conscious and sensitive to their jobs for fear of being petitioned to the council. They know that once a complaint is lodged against them, the body begins investigation almost immediately.

To this set of people, it was a deviation from the norm of an office that had been occupied strictly, by the male folk since 1958 without any remarkable feat other than mere service. This, therefore, propped up the question: “Can a woman make a difference or succeed where the male folk failed?
Gradually, before the very eyes of Nigerians, she has begun to prove to be the most courageous to have attained the position in recent time. So far, she has shown that what a man can do, a woman can do even better.

Since assuming office, Mukhtar has remained consistent about her disposition to anomalies that are tilted towards embarrassing the judiciary. At the inauguration of the 2012 biennial conference for judges, she reiterated her stance when she warned against corruption on the bench and vowed to fish out corrupt judges and administer appropriate sanctions on them.

She told the judges at the conference: “I urge that you reform yourselves and allow yourselves to be reformed by amending your conduct that brings dishonour to the judiciary as an institution.”

Even when she fielded questions at the Senate before her confirmation in July 2012, Mukhtar admitted that there was corruption in the courts, but vowed to lead by example in stamping it out.

Just a fortnight ago, she expressed concern over the quality of judgments emanating from various courts in the country, and insisted that public confidence and trust in the judiciary has nosedived. Speaking at the opening ceremony of the 2013 refresher course for judicial officers, organised by the National Judicial Institute (NJI), in Abuja, the CJN noted that “public uproar or placard-carrying scenario against the judgment of a court of record is not to the credit of the judiciary as an arm of government.”

She added that “where therefore a judge is found to be complicit in the writing and delivery of a judgment, the NJC, as the constitutional regulatory body, will not hesitate to wield the big stick.

“A judge should write in a simple and unambiguous manner such that it leaves no one in doubt as to what the judgment has addressed. A judgment should meet the justice of the matter or controversies between the contending parties. It is certainly not good for a judgment to be capable of more than one interpretation otherwise why was the judge called upon to intervene in the first place?”
As the CJN, the occupant of the office also heads other powerful judicial bodies such as the Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC); National Judicial Council and Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC). But none of those before Mukhtar could not take the bull by the horn and clean the rot in the system.

Knowing full well that the judiciary is so critical to the sustenance of justice and democracy and should not be brought into disrepute, Mukhtar has not left anyone in doubt that the two years she would spend as the CJN would be remarkable.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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NIGERIA: Aribisala Pushes Hard for Justice

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Read Time:9 Minute, 24 Second

Embattled legal practitioner, Chief Ajibola Anthony Aribisala, may have been challenged by the Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar leadership of the judiciary as he has sustained his push for justice in the allegation that necessitated the suspension of his Senior Advocate of Nigeria title.

Since he was called to the Nigerian bar in the 80s, Chief Ajibola Anthony Aribisala has always handled cases for his clients in representative capacity. Never for once did he ever think that one day he would be a claimant or plaintiff. But this is the reverse situation he has found himself in recent months since he was suspended from using the prestigious title of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) conferred on him in 2004 by the Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC).

Aribisala is currently at the Lagos High Court to challenge the decision of the LPPC to suspend him from using the coveted title which he was believed to have secured through hard work.

When the case came up last week before Justice Oludotun Adefope-Okojie, the proceedings took a dramatic twist when the judge ruled that she would hear an application for a mandatory injunction filed by the lawyer together with the preliminary objection by Fidelity Bank challenging the jurisdiction of the court. In his application dated March 7, 2013, the embattled lawyer asked the court for a mandatory injunction restraining the LPPC from suspending him from the use of the SAN title.

At the proceedings, his counsel, Chief Tunji Ayanlaja (SAN), urged the court to take the application for a mandatory injunction against the LPPC and the preliminary objection challenging the jurisdiction of the court together. He submitted that taking the two applications would save time and speed-up the hearing and determination of the suit.

Ayanlaja further submitted that in line with a judgment of the Supreme Court, delivered in 2009, the court was expected to take the two contending applications together and deliver a combined ruling, adding that any of the parties not satisfied with the decision of the court, could then appeal it.

But, counsel to Fidelity Bank, Chief Seyi Sowemimo (SAN) urged the court to hear the application challenging the jurisdiction of the court first before considering any other application. According to him, when the jurisdiction of the court is challenged, such application ought to be taken first to know whether the matter could go on or not.

Sowemimo argued that the preliminary objection challenging the jurisdiction of the court is the only application that was ripe for hearing and not the one seeking for mandatory injunction.

But the trial judge, Justice Adefope-Okojie, agreed with the submissions of the Ayanlaja. In a bench ruling, she held that the two applications would be heard together and a joint ruling delivered on them. She, thereafter, proceeded to fix May 7 for the hearing of the two applications.

After the proceedings, THISDAY spoke to the embattled lawyer and asked if he had confidence in the process (judiciary) to regain his title, he simply responded: “If I don’t have confidence in this process, why do you think I am here. Of course I do absolutely.”

Sometime in February, the LPPC suspended Aribisala from further using his SAN title in the country. The suspension followed a petition by his client, Fidelity Bank, to the LPPC complaining that he had breached ethical standards in their solicitor-client relationship. The bank’s management alleged that it was miffed by what it perceived as the over-reaching attitude of the lawyer and decided to take their grievances to the doorsteps of the LPPC, which in turn, came down hard on Aribisala.

In his suit against the bank and the LPPC, Aribisala is praying the court to reverse the verdict of the committee. While the LPPC did not file any response to the suit, the bank in its preliminary objection, challenged the jurisdiction of the court to hear the suit. The bank specifically noted that going by the nature of the case, only the Federal High Court was mandated to hear it.

But Aribisala in his motion on notice dated April 9, 2013, asked the court to dismiss the preliminary objection by the bank. He contended that the mere mention of the federal legislation or of matter in the Exclusive Legislative list does not make the case proper for the Federal High Court to have exclusive jurisdiction to entertain.

In his statement of claim, Aribisala is asking the court to overturn the decision by the LPPC, saying the LPPC acted in error, beyond its juridical competence. He also urged the court to declare as null and void, the suspension with all the privileges pertaining thereto.
Aside, the lawyer is also asking the court for a mandatory interlocutory “injunction restraining the LPPC from giving any effect to, implementing, continuing to implement, or carrying out any act or making any form of publicity relating to the alleged suspension” of the use of SAN title by him pending the determination of his suit.

He recalled that the LPPC took the decision on February 26, 2013 in favour of the second defendant, despite a pending application seeking a restraining order of interlocutory injunction against the second defendant in that regard, dated October 19, 2012.
Aribisala is further seeking from the court, an order of mandatory injunction directing the defendants to maintain the status quo ante as at October 22, 2012 when the defendants were served with the originating processes that sought a restraining order against the second defendant pending the determination of the substantive suit.

He averred that he did not overcharge the bank as claimed by the financial institution in a petition it sent to the LPPC, adding that his legal fees for services rendered to bank were in line with the provisions of the LPPC Remuneration for Legal Practitioner Documentation and other Land Matters Order.

Maintaining that he had a contractual relationship with the bank on the basis of which he acted ex-cathedra, Aribisala explained that having tried to no avail to get the bank to honour its financial obligations as per the terms of their agreement, he was left with no option than to deduct the said amount from the monies he helped the bank recover; arguing that the law allows him to take such a decision.
He expressed disappointment that the LPPC misinterpreted his action as a professional misconduct and rushed to judgment to sanction him without availing themselves of the facts of the substantive issue in contention.

He underscored the fact that the LPPC was a creation of the law, vested with certain powers but that such powers restrain it from acting ultra vires on matters that ought to be submitted to the court for adjudication and which have been so submitted. “Once a matter is subjudice, nobody is allowed to comment, investigate or do anything about it except the court before which the matter is pending,” he noted.

Apart from the ongoing proceedings at the Lagos High Court, last month, Aribisala sent a petition to the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Mariam Aloma Mukhtar, in her capacity as the chairperson of the LPPC, where he not only argued that the LPPC does not have the powers to suspend him, but named Mr. Babajide Koku (SAN) as the mastermind of the plot to strip him of the title of SAN.

In the petition to the CJN, he alleged Koku, being a member of LPPC, was not supposed to sit on the panel that recommended his suspension because there was no way he would get justice, having had several altercations with him in the open court and outside in the course of prosecuting loan recovery matters for the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON) as well other loan defaulters.
He listed some of the cases to include: ID/178/2010 Bank PHB Vs. Zenon Oil & Gas Ltd. & Ors before Justice Alogba; LD/2449/10 Access Bank Plc Vs Zenon Oil & Gas & Ors before Justice Lawal-Akapo; LD/2315/11 Nigdel United Oil Company Ltd Vs. Zenith Bank Plc before Justice Lawal-Akapo; and FHC/L/CS/299/11 Chief A. A. Aribisala, SAN Vs.Olufemi Otedola before Justice Okeke.

Other cases listed include FHC/L/CS/310/11 Zenon Petroleum & Gas Ltd Vs. Access Bank & Ors before Justice Okeke; LD/858/2011Rasheed Sarumi & Anr Vs. Femi Otedola & Ors before Justice Olateru-Olagbegi; FHC/L/CS/1404/11    Chief A. A. Aribisala, SAN Vs.Olivier Meyer & Ors before Justice Abang, and later Justice Buba; FHC/L/CS/22/2012 Silvand Ltd & Ors Vs. Zenith Bank Plc before Justice Olatoregun-Ishola and later Justice Saidu. J; and LD/768/2012 Zenith Bank Plc Vs Joseph Penawou& Ors before Hon. Justice Jose.

According to him, “At least, 95 per cent of the cases in my chambers relate to recovery of high profile bad debts on behalf of Nigerian Banks whereas Mr. Koku, SAN, is also known as a lawyer who specialises in defending customers who owe banks and most unwilling to discharge their obligations.

“… I will now deal with the relationship between my humble self and Mr. Babajide Koku, SAN in the past three years or thereabout, which purely arose from my courtroom activities as a lawyer in several cases I have been engaged in on behalf of my clients, which are financial institutions, and against Mr. Koku’s clients, who are high profile debtors to these financial institutions that I represent.

“The set of cases, mentioned above relate to issues that we had serious courtroom altercations because of the amount of money involved, running into billions of naira, and these altercations left both of us with so much disaffection and contempt for each other’s style of advocacy and that it led to a sour relationship between the two of us.

“However, because of the high profile of the parties which include Mr. Femi Otedola, and some of his companies, including Zenon Petroleum and Gas Limited, this matter was eventually settled after we had had a serious press war and obtained an injunctive order of mareva, receivership order pursuant to my appointment as receiver/manager, thereby putting the charged assets of the debtors into receivership over the amount being owed the banks.

“When AMCON was created by the Federal Government of Nigeria through the instrumentality of the Central Bank of Nigeria, all these cases were finally off-loaded by the banks to AMCON and notwithstanding the sale of the loans to AMCON, the hostility between Mr. Koku, SAN, and I raged on.

“All these courts can bear witness to the fact that I have had fierce battles in court with Mr. Koku, and these judges can be called upon to corroborate the fact that I have never been at peace with Mr. Koku, which purely relates to our relationship as counsels. It is not in dispute that my firm specialises in insolvency practice for which we only represent banks in respect of recovery of high profile loans given out to customers and have become difficult or virtually impossible to recover from the debtors,” he said.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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NIGERIA: Bayelsa’s Unsuitable Government House

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Read Time:4 Minute, 48 Second

Isn’t it strange and curious that right in the heart of Yenegoa, the Bayelsa State capital, is a Government House Complex initiated by the duo of former governors Diepreye Alamieyeseigha and Timipre Sylva, but avoided like a plague by President Goodluck Jonathan and incumbent Governor Seriake Dickson? Shola Oyeyipo, who just returned from the state, unveils this mysterious structure

In Nigeria’s political parlance, the talk about misappropriation of funds in official places is a familiar aberration, even though it never ceases to generate concern among the people.

But a quintessential case study is this massive structure Bayelsa State and perhaps, one of the most expensive Government Houses in the country. Named “The Glory Land Castle”, the expansive mansion is located across the Taylor Creek, behind the Government House in Yenogoa, the state capital.

Sources in government hinted that the structure had gulped not less than N24billion or more. It was the brain child of the administration of former governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of which President Goodluck Jonathan was a part. But when he assumed office as governor, Jonathan was said to have considered it wasteful and abandoned it in the category of white elephant.

However, when former governor Timipre Sylva came on board, he completed the construction and furnished it to taste.
A visit to the magnificent structure, revealed several state-of-the-art sitting rooms, many bedrooms with aesthetic furnishing, exceptional toilets with bravura fittings that place the facility in a world of its own. Apart from questions that border on somewhat obscene display of tax payers’ money and which is still valid; the structure beholds a beautiful sight.

Dickson, recently, was asked why he has refused to stay in the building especially that a lot of tax payers’ money had been sunk into it, the governor gave a rather dramatic response when he said he would not use the building because it is too costly to house just himself.
“This castle was started by Chief Alamieyeseigha. Of course, as you know I was in the cabinet of Dr. Jonathan when he was governor. We, within that short period that we were in government, didn’t think that completing the project as at that time was a priority. But when my immediate predecessor came on board, he managed to complete it.

“So he achieved the completion, including the furnishing and all that. Now upon my ascension into office, I of course made it clear from day one that there was no way I was going to stay in this type of place. It is simply too grandiose. It is way out of format with my own personal standard,” he said.

But considering the fact that so much money had gone into it and the need to put the facility into productive use, the Dickson administration has resolved to ride on the structure to put the state on the global tourism map by converting it to a six-star hotel.

“We have decided to convert this to a 6-Star hotel. As it is, we have to suspend work. There is actually a lot of work going on in the upper floor. But in the next five to six months, around November to December I would like you to come to be part of the various tourism promotion activities that will come up at that time. Then, you are likely to meet a five or six-star hotel in this complex. Work is already ongoing. That is about it. I’m not staying here. I have no plan to stay here,” he reiterated.

Ironically, while Dickson and Jonathan thought it was a sheer waste of money, Sylva who completed and furnished it would rather it was something to show off as he was alleged to have excitedly unveiled his “Gloryland Castle” to a CNN reporter.
Sources in the Government House said Sylva displayed various sections of the castle and their special features.
But the supporters of the present administration thought there were some more pressing needs that such money would have been deployed to.

Defending this, they cited, for instance, the infrastructural development of the state including road construction that is critical to the state. They mentioned the need for provision of free and compulsory education, which they claimed has been taken up by the current administration.

Importantly, they are of the view that because Bayelsa is an oil rich state does not translate into riches in every home, because a considerable population of the state as in the larger Nigeria still lives below poverty line.

Thus, they argued that amidst allegations of fraud and mismanagement of public funds levied against the Sylva administration, the former governor still completed such projects as the new gas turbine, the state owned television station, Glory Land Television, the Glory Land Castle, awarded and completed 37 internal road projects, the Opolo cottage hospital, the completion of the erstwhile Ikoli Bridge now Goodluck Jonathan Bridge in the Swali area of the state.

It also completed the state judiciary building and the Peace Park and redesigned a 500-bed hospital to re-activate and re-position the health care delivery facility in the state.

But even with all these, the duo of Alamieyeseigha and Sylva received considerable knocks from Bayelsans and Nigerians for embarking on such wasteful ventures that do not share direct bearing with the living standard of the masses, which should have been their primary objective as governors of the state.

Sadly, the two governors remain the most troubled by the anti-graft agencies over issues bordering on corruption, one of the reasons the recent pardon granted to Alamieyeseigha, was vehemently opposed by the larger society.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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NIGERIA: Liberating and Coordinating Diversity

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Read Time:10 Minute, 42 Second

Babatunde Fashola writes that a truly fiscal and political federalism makes governance in a country like Nigeria an easy task

The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies has built a deserved global reputation as a standard bearer for policy studies and international relations- and it is great to see such a diverse mix of ethnicities and nationalities present. I understand that over 50 nations are represented in this institution, so, Professor Peter Lewis’ invitation to address such a diverse group was one I was honoured to accept.

You know, even though I stand here as Governor of Lagos state, I don’t mind admitting to you that at a younger age, I had next to no interest in political office. It is only later in life that I learned of the names of people like Paul Nitze and Christian Herter, men who, over 50 years ago, foresaw the evolving diplomatic and economic needs of a changing world. You are quite fortunate that your education in this regard has started so early.

I will leave here a happier person if, in any little way, I have contributed anything to your education and knowledge about your world.
Speaking to young people, especially in universities, has become, for me, a passion. I feel that here, I am using the privileges of my office in a positive way to connect young people to the future that they have to deal with – in a way better than I connected to that world.
I have been asked to speak about the challenges of governance and development in Lagos. In as much as I am a thoroughbred Lagosian, becoming governor has put me on a path of rediscovery; a path that yields new surprises at every turn.

In my view, the challenges of governance in Lagos are really no different from the challenges of governing any other mega-city. And make no mistake, with an estimated population of 21 million; Lagos is as mega as they come. Keep that figure in mind as I will keep coming back to it.

When I was growing up in the 1970s Lagos had a population of around 2 million. So, that represents a tenfold expansion in about 40 years. New York by comparison had a population of around 7.8 million in the 70s. In 40 years this rose by 300,000 to 8.1 million. In London the population during that same time rose from 7.4 million to 8.2 million.

Lagos has an annual growth rate of about 5%. So, in those 40 years we have surpassed the combined populations of New York and London. I suppose the first major challenge is the population boom; rapid urbanisation and how we have dealt with it over the years.
Unfortunately, the two decades that followed the 70s were characterised by lack of infrastructure development. By the time we returned to democracy in 1999, the population had mushroomed without a corresponding rise in terms of development, especially the necessary infrastructure like roads, schools, hospitals, malls, and those things that support daily life and should be taken for granted. We had to act. And we had to act fast.

Lagos has always stood as a magnet, a factory of dreams and aspirations for many Nigerians. So, even as the infrastructure was not improved, the population kept rising, people kept pouring in. Transportation improvement (Light rail, ferry services, expanded road network); more kids so more schools; headache for others, a migraine for Lagos The second major challenge is security. 21 million people remember!

We have to keep them all safe. We have to keep them safe from themselves. We have to keep them safe from the bad eggs of society, of which every country unfortunately has its own fair share.

When I was elected six years ago, we had to make some tough decisions on how we wanted to maintain peace and security in the state. The police force is federalised and the funding was inadequate to meet the needs of the citizens of Lagos. Policemen literally didn’t have enough guns or vehicles to do their jobs properly.

Daylight bank robberies and violent crimes were the order of the day. Festive periods were met with a mixture of excitement and trepidation.  Businesses rushed to close at dusk to avoid being targets for armed robbers. To restore a sense of order, we set up the Lagos State Security Trust Fund. Aside from a regular commitment from the government, this fund has been further endowed by private businesses and individuals in the state. Anyone can contribute.

One of the most touching contributions has come from a school. The children donated their pocket monies and asked the principal to hand it to me at the Trust’s annual meeting where we presented the accounts to the public. It was a comparatively small gesture but it was huge in terms of self-sacrifice and a sense of duty.

Through the fund, crucial equipment needed by the state police command had been procured and made available to fight crime. Beyond that, it has also allowed the state to build their capacity with innovative and training and modernised policing techniques. It has helped to democratise our police to the grassroots even if some people still play ostrich about the merits of state policing.

The Fund has enabled us to reduce violent crimes by over 80%. We went for 2 years without any crime during Christmas and other festive periods. We went for 2 years with no reported bank robbery attempts in the state. We have lately suffered a few bank robbery attempts but none has been successful. I don't know any city or state with our population size that has our security record in any part of the world

That leads me to the third challenge, unemployment. How to ensure that 21 million people are gainfully employed?
Helpful here are LASTMA, skill acquisition centres, Agric – YES initiative, ENTRIDA, Services parties emerging middle class, catering, rental, music, event place, fashion

Other Challenges are waste management, housing and education. They are no different from what any Governor in America is dealing with. Perhaps, the crux of the matter is which Government should do more- the state or the federal?
The argument arises even here – and the debate was fierce in the last election – about whether the current Federal Government’s desire for large government is not imposing too large a cost on the tax payers of America. I think the different positions taken by the Governor of New Jersey, during the Republican convention and after the damage wrought by Super Storm Sandy, show clearly that it is never an easy choice to make.

In the final analysis, he put his people first and this is the primary duty of any government. Money lost can be replaced. Property lost can be replaced. But, there is no recompense for lost lives. In my country, the debate has an origin quite different from the cost of government alone.

It is based on our post-colonial history where we had three semi-autonomous regions and the central government. Each of the regions kept the bulk of their resources and contributed to the central government to enable it carry out its national responsibilities.
The system was not without its problems. But we had stable electricity. We had more food – enough to eat and enough to export. Illiteracy levels were higher but there was evidence to show that it was being addressed. Our universities had more learning in them and acquired a respectable reputation.

It was a Golden Age for our country. But things started to fall apart and we quickly began to lose our lustre. The military came in and unified the regions and things have never been quite the same since. Although we have a “Federal Government” the constitution was written by the military.

So, we have state courts where judges are picked by the Federal Government. We have state legislators but no state police to enforce the laws they make. There are no state prisons so we rely on Federal officers to police our states and keep convicted persons away from law abiding citizens.

We have Federal Traffic Safety Officers to issue Driver’s Licences to drivers in the state and also seek to regulate municipal traffic inside the states. Many states cannot control their sources of finance such as local taxes on consumption, lotteries and hotels.The Federal Government holds on to these at worst; or encroaches upon them at the best.

Consequently, all states get monthly allocations from the Federal Government, and the majority have few alternative sources of funding.
Lagos, of course, has chosen a different path. It lives largely on the revenue it raises by itself.  70% of its N499 Billion ($3.2 Billion) budget for year 2013 and the preceding years have been self-generated.

The Federal Government’s monthly allocations only account for 30% of Lagos’ annual resources-to-budget cost. In order to maintain this financial hold, the Federal Government keeps 52% of the nation’s resources. The states, all 36 of them, get a 26% share between them; the 774 local governments, including the 37 created by Lagos, share only 20.2% of the country’s revenue amongst them.
The debate therefore is not only about the cost of such a large government but also about its effectiveness.

The Primary Health Care Centres, where newborn babies get vaccinated and immunised against disease, are not in the capital but within the 774 (plus 37) local governments. Can the money held in large supply at the centre reach them in time and in good quantity before they die? The primary schools, which are the foundations of early learning, are also in these local governments. (In Lagos there are 1,001 of such primary schools). How quickly and efficiently can we fund them from the centre before these children get tired of waiting, drop-out and become child labourers?

The impact of a behemoth Federal Government is no less exacting on the transport system in a sub-optimal way. In Lagos, the Local Governments have 6,415 roads, the state government has 3,028 and the Federal Government has only 117. Yet the Local Governments have only their share of 20.2% (shared with 717 others) and the states have only their share of 26% (shared with 35 other states) of national revenues to fix these roads. Remember the Federal Government owns the least number of roads. Yet she keeps 52% – the lion’s share of the Federal resources.

How efficiently, therefore, can the Nigerian governmental system provide roads that are so critical to prosperity for her people? These are the structural challenges of government that we must overcome. They sum up the demand for a truer federal union that is being demanded by the 36 state governors in terms of fiscal and political federalism. I associate myself with this demand in its entirety.

The realization of these demands, on its own, may not necessarily leapfrog us into El Dorado. But without them, the journey will be tortuous. If they materialize, they liberate the possibilities inherent in the diverse capacities that the Nigerian states and local governments are blessed with.

In that event, the Federal Government will not be without authority or responsibility. But in my view, it will be better able to co-ordinate the diversities for mutual prosperity. While these challenges exist, we are not folding our arms and twiddling our thumbs. On the contrary we have become more determined in Lagos and more resourceful.

Let me conclude now by saying that whilst we contend with these challenges and struggle to build infrastructure, our most enduring infrastructure will be the one we build in people’s minds, especially the next generation. This is why we have committed time and resources to rebuild our education. We are seeing results in the right direction but the journey is still long.

I will only now ask you to put everything I have said into perspective. If at any point I sounded like I spoke from a place of contentment then that was certainly not my intention. The truth is that all we have done is to lay down a marker for the sort of state we are trying to build.

If I can claim any success, it is that the dream I have always had for Lagos is now no longer just a picture in my head – it has taken manifestation into something more tangible. And more importantly, it has become a shared dream.

*Fashola delivered this speech at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, John Hopkins University, Washington D.C, United States

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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