Ojukwu: Day the exile returned home

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From the desperate, dark days of a dying Biafra, to the ecstasy of his return from exile in the then Ivory Coast, OBINWA NNAJI, reminisces on another high point of the Chuwkwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu story

It is difficult to adequately capture the ecstasy which surrounded the return of General Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu to Nigeria, without first looking critically at events preceding his dramatic departure from Uli Airport in 1970 into exile in Ivory Coast, as it was then known.
The tail-end of 1969 was tortuous and posed the greatest challenge to a people who were heroically fighting with their ‘bare hands’, to put it metaphorically, having held out for over two years and 10 months.

To say Biafra was losing grounds with great rapidity, was to state the obvious.  Faced with an onslaught never seen in the annals of wars and insurrections, where all the world powers viz – Britain, United States, USSR and their allies – turned their arsenal on Biafra, it must have amazed military strategists in Sandhurst, Pentagon and Petersburg, how Biafrans could last the distance – “sheer will power and of course, the Eastern spirit not to say die”.  

Pounded on all fronts from air and ground;  cut off by a heartless policy of ‘economic blockade’ on the high sea with virtually all essential commodities not within the reach of the citizenry of Eastern Region, causing untold hardship, malnutrition and kwashiorkor for both old and young, the people simply plodded on.

With almost all the major cities fallen – Nsukka, Obollo Eke, Abakaliki, Oji River, Awgu, Okigwe, Awka, Onitsha, Asaba, Gagem, Ogoja, Calabar, Ikot-Ekpene, Port Harcourt, Aba, even though there were skirmishes of fighting going on, it was a matter of time for other towns to cave in.  When the war taunted Uzuakoli, it was only to be expected that the Biafran Operational Engine Room, the headquarters and Ministry of Defence, Umuahia would be threatened.

In spite of all these misfortunes, there was cheery news that Owerri, had been retaken by brave Biafran soldiers – but at a very high cost.  There was a very touching scene when the remains of Captain Tony Asoluka of ‘S’ Brigade killed by a Federal sniper was taken to his Owerri town for burial.  The surviving mother made us all cry as she kept asking hysterically “who will buy me my Lux soap again?”
Orlu town, strategically situated in the heart of the Republic, as well as the seat of Biafran School of Infantry, the equivalent of Nigeria Defence Academy (NDA), where officers were being trained, was never conquered.  Even though Federal troops occupied Onitsha they couldn’t link up with Awka as Biafrans held the Nkpor to Abagana axis. Of course, the famous Abagana waterloo is a topic for another day.

Uli, Ihiala, Oguta and Uga Airport and its environs were in very safe hands.  Yours sincerely was in the trenches at Umuakpu-Omanelu axis, which then was 64 miles to Port Harcourt on the Owerri-Port Harcourt main road.  So hilarious were the boys fighting to get back Port-Harcourt when the unexpected and shocking news of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s defection to Nigeria rent the airwaves.

My transistor radio was tucked away, and when the disturbing news broke, my co-officers in the trenches yelled “That’s the end of the War”.  The defection of the first Nigerian President, Rt. Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, sometime in October 1969, dealt a severe blow to the morale of Biafran troops at the various war fronts.

Then in quick succession, in November and December, all the strongholds began collapsing.  Umuahia was threatened and when it fell, it took its toll.  Nobody waited to be drafted to defend the symbol of Biafra.  All the warriors and commanders of note raced to join a rescue mission that was already too late in day.
Ojukwu and the Defence Headquarters had been evacuated amidst heavy fighting, shelling and bombardment by Nigerian troops from air and land.  The Biafran Army Engineers had to break the bridge, the only link from Umuahia to Owerri.

If the Imo River Bridge ‘4 Corner’ as it is called was left intact, then Biafra would have been overrun in few minutes of entering Umuahia.  So they were all there – the big names and top military brass – Brigadier Tim Onwuatuegwu, Col. Joe ‘Air Raid’ Achuzie, Brigadier Wilson Odo, the Commandos and famous Strike Forces and Battalion Commanders physically involved in the fight to hold back the rampaging Federal troops keen to cross over the Imo River Bridge.

The surge to reach Owerri had begun in earnest from Aba.  For us, 64 miles away at Omanelu after Mgbirichi and Umuagwo, and Umuakpu, it was a nightmare.  Owerri that was our safe haven was being evacuated without a gunshot, and with Federal troops not in sight.  
What to do?  There was total confusion and the entire ‘S Brigade’, ‘S’ Division which had several Infantry and Engineering Battalions dug in at the trenches, had to quickly adopt ‘Operation Open Corridor’.  

Owerri was no longer within reach and news came that Federal troops had taken it without firing a shot.  With extended line formation and fire and movement, the entire troops retreated with great speed through the marshy terrain of Egbema, luckily ending up in Awo-mama, which became the rallying point for all fleeing Biafran troops.

The felicitations and joy for surviving the fierce war, knew no bounds as soldiers greeted fellow combatants with the soothing greeting ‘Happy Survival’.  It was January 8, 1970.

So came the departure at Uli Airport of General Ojukwu, widely said to be heading to Ivory Coast in furtherance of exploring some peace overtures, and the surrender by Major-General Phillip Effiong who stood in for him.

It was apparent we had come to the end of the road begun on July 6, 1967 with the first shot fired at Gagem Ogoja and Obollo Eke in Nsukka.  The rest is history.  So far 13 years, 1970 – 1983, Ojukwu stayed away from the shores of Nigeria in exile in Yamoussokorou, Ivory Coast.
With the advent of Satellite Newspapers on Agbani Road, Enugu, in 1982, the crop of journalists so assembled had a burning zest to begin the campaign for a state pardon for Ojukwu.  From all departments of the newspaper, the fireballs came from all cylinders.

We wrote strongly-worded editorials, analysis and features making the case for his return urgent.  The News Department headed by Late Sly Alakwe and Alphonsus Ikediashi, his able deputy went the extra mile.  Alphonsus Ikediashi stumbled upon an exclusive with a big story on the mother of Ojukwu presumed and rumoured dead years ago in Kano.  With such sensational headlines “Give me my son”, “Bring my son back” – a passionate appeal from a distressed mother to President Shehu Shagari, we hit Shagari on a very sore point.

The explosive interview caused a big stir to the extent that one of the most successful Ibo business tycoons, Chief Arthur Eze alias “Arthur 1,000”, made for Nnewi and gave a gift of a brand new Mercedez Benz to Ojukwu’s mother.  Satellite roared and soared.  It was Ojukwu’s mother’s plea that perhaps touched the milk of human kindness in President Shagari, that he finally caved in and announced the ‘Great Pardon’.
The efforts of the journalists on the stable of satellite had paid off.  Innocent Okoye now a Professor of Mass Communications, Nzekwe Ene, the arrogant intellectual who had a penchant for correcting any script in sight and more often ended up correcting himself; stylish Victor Jegede, Uche Ezechukwu, the prose master, Late Mike Azuide, Late Chike Akabaogu, Roy Eze, Chika Ezerioha-‘Chez Williams’, Sam Nkire, Emma Okocha, Danquah Oye, C-Don Adinuba, Godwin Nzeakah and, of course, the big boss Chris Ejimofor, to mention a few.

With the pardon granted, we at the Satellite landed on ‘Cloud Nine’.  The Sunday Editor Innocent Okoye was on the next available flight out of Lagos to Abidjan.  It turned out he was the only journalist from Nigeria to first land in the then Ivory Coast.  We had compiled back to back copies of Satellite for the perusal of the General.  We had sought for an exclusive interview. Yamoussoukorou had been besieged by sea of European journalists.

Trust Ojukwu, he refused to grant an interview to the battery of journalists and photographers that lay in wait.  Owing to the copies of Satellite, Innocent had passed through one of his aides, Ojukwu chose to speak to Innocent via the intercom.
Not dejected, Innocent ended up getting scoops, tracing and filming the large expanse of Ojukwu’s sand filling company and trucks owned by the Biafran leader while in exile.

The Sunday Editor was also the only Nigerian journalist at the Nigerian Embassy in Abidjan when Ojukwu was re-issued with a Nigeria Passport.  We made a feast of his exclusives from Abidjan.

Then came Ojukwu’s return.  The scenario that played out at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos was just child’s play.  From all over old Eastern Region, the crowd took over the major streets from Ogbete-Ogui-Abakaliki Road to Emene Airport.  Bus loads from the northern parts of the country, formed a rainbow procession.

Traders from Aba, Onitsha and Igbos living in Ogbete Market paced and walked to the airport singing in Ibo Language “Papa Anata Oyoyo”, Daddy is back.  Several committees had sprung up with bearing the legend of ‘Onyije Nno’, translated ‘Traveller Welcome’.

To be part of history, yours sincerely had driven just past the junction of Army Barracks by Abakpa junction.  It was impossible to proceed further.  With my wife and two little children sitting atop my car, we were about five kilometers from the airport.  The road was literally over run by termites in the shape of human beings.  We sat there when Ojukwu driven in a slide-open Mercedes Benz, waving heartily to the crowd sauntered past.  The rival National Party of Nigeria (NPN), faithful who had thronged the airport did not allow Anambra Government officials of the ruling Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP)  to come even as close to  the gates of the airport.  

Dignitaries were molested and soaked and sprayed with water hoist.  And so the General not knowing where he was heading to, perhaps seeing his seat of government, in Enugu State for the first time since it fell in 1967, was a prisoner to those who hijacked and herded him straight to Nnewi.

Disappointed at not seeing their hero, thus bringing a sour taste in the mouths of tens of thousands that had raced to Government House, Independence Layout, Enugu where an elaborate arrangement had been laid out by the sitting Governor, Chief Jim Ifeanyichukwu Nwobodo, who had cut short his overseas tour in Madrid, Spain where he was watching the World Cup to rush home, the people that had converged began to disperse one by one – raining abuses on those who disrupted the grandiose plan for  their selfish aggrandizement.

·    Obinwa Nnaji, former Editor of Daily Satellite Newspaper, was a one-time Lieutenant in the Biafran Army Engineers (BAE).  He wrote from Enugu.  The last in the three-part series ‘What you don’t know about Ojukwu’ follows next Sunday.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Africa’s Richest Women

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Read Time:4 Minute, 15 Second

When it comes to big money, men still call the shots in Africa – just like in the rest of the world. While there is no single African lady today who can lay claim to a $1 billion fortune, there are about 2 or 3 African women who possess legit nine-figure fortunes. Here are nine African women, all worth at least $50 million:

 

Isabel Dos Santos

Nationality: Angola

Source: Investments

The eldest daughter of Angola’s President, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, Isabel dos Santos got her start in business at age 24 by using her father’s influence to corner lucrative state contracts. Keeps close ties with Portugal. Kento Holding, a Maltese-registered investment firm she fully owns, holds a 10% stake in Zon Multimedia, a Portuguese media conglomerate. She acquired the stake for 164 million Euros in 2010. Also owns major stakes in Portuguese banks Banco Espírito Santo and Banco Português de Investimento, and in Energias de Portugal, which generates and distributes electricity.

Bridgette Radebe

Nationality: South Africa

Source: Mining

The elder sister to South African billionaire Patrice Motsepe, Bridgette Radebe started out as a contract miner in the 80s, managing shafts and procuring for the larger mining houses. Went on to found Mmakau mining, an immensely successful mining firm with assets in platinum, gold, uranium, coal, chrome, exploration and mining interests. Also serves as president of the South African Mining Development Association. Married to South Africa’s Justice Minister, Jeff Radebe.

Irene Charnley

Nationality: South Africa

Source: MTN

Former trade unionist made first mark as a shrewd negotiator for the National Union of Mineworkers in South Africa. Went on to take up a job as an Executive Director at MTN, Africa’s largest telecoms group, where she led the company’s successful foray into several African countries. Was instrumental in negotiating for and acquiring one of four GSM licenses in Nigeria. She also helped MTN secure the second GSM license in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In return, was rewarded with huge chunk of MTN stock valued at over US$150 million. Left MTN in 2007 under controversial circumstances. Now serves as CEO of Smile Telecoms, a low-cost telecommunications operator based in Mauritius.

Pam Golding

Nationality: South Africa

Source: Real Estate

One of South Africa’s most well known real estate icons, she founded Pam Golding Properties in 1976 with no start-up capital and a sales assistant. The company is now one of South Africa’s largest independent property trading companies. 2010 turnover: US$1.7 billion (11 billion rand). Has retired from active management; still remains chairperson. Now devotes energy to philanthropy.

Wendy Appelbaum

Nationality: South Africa

Source: Insurance

The only daughter of former South African billionaire Donald Gordon, Wendy was a director at Liberty Investors, the previously listed holding company of the Liberty Group – the insurance and real estate concern her father founded. Sold off her stakes; became cash rich. Together with husband, Hylton Appelbaum, purchased DeMorgenzon, a wine estate in Stellenbosch. Has donated US$23 million (R150 million) to create the Gordon Institute of Business Science (Gibs), and the Donald Gordon Medical Center. Wendy chairs the South African Women’s Professional Golfers’ Association.

Elisabeth Bradley

Nationality: South Africa

Source: Investments

Elisabeth Bradley’s father Albert Wessels brought Toyota (TM) to South Africa in 1961. In 2008, Wesco Investments, a South African holding company which she controls, sold off its 25% stake in Toyota South-Africa to Toyota Motor Corp. in Japan for US$320 million (R2.1 billion). She walked away with at least US$150 million (R1 billion). Bradley has served on the boards of blue chip companies such as Standard Bank Group, Hilton Hotel and Roseback Inn.

 

Mamphela Ramphele

Nationality: South Africa

Source: Investments

The one-time managing director of the World Bank Group now heads Circle Capital Ventures, a leading Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) Private Equity firm. The medical doctor and former anti-apartheid activist is also one of Africa’s most prominent board room gurus. Directorships include Anglo-American, Remgro and Mediclinic. Also serves on the Board of Trustees for the Rockefeller Foundation, the Mo Ibrahim Foundation and the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa.

Sharon Wapnick

Nationality: South Africa

Source: Real Estate, financial services

One of the largest individual shareholders in Octodec Investments and Premium Properties, both property loan stock companies listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. Her father, Alec Wapnick, founded both companies. She serves as a non-executive director at Octodec, and is a partner at TWB Attorneys, a successful commercial law firm in Johannesburg.

Wendy Ackerman

Nationality: South Africa

Source: Retail

Along with her husband, Raymond, she controls the Ackerman Family Trust which owns close to 50% of Pick ‘n’ Pay, one of South-Africa’s largest retail outlets.  The US$3 billion (market cap) company has operations in Namibia, Mozambique, Namibia, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Australia. Wendy serves as an executive director of the group. Arts connoisseur is a trustee of the Cape Town Opera Trust.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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The Philanthropy Of Africa’s 40 Richest

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Africa’s 40 richest people haveyet to make a mark in global philanthropy, but some of them are making notable efforts in their home countries.

While conducting intensive research for Forbes’ inaugural list of Africa’s 40 Richest, we also probed the philanthropic donations of the continent’s wealthiest people.

While Africans in general are an extremely charitable lot, only a small fraction of its 40 richest people are noteworthy givers- like Zimbabwean telecoms tycoon Strive Masiyiwa.  Masiyiwa, founder of Econet Wireless, is also the founder of the Capernaum Trust, a Zimbabwean charity that provides bursaries and scholarships to over 28,000 orphaned children.

Then there is Theophilus Danjuma. A former Nigerian defense minister, he is one of the continent’s most recognizable givers. Last year he bestowed a $100 million endowment on his TY Danjuma Foundation, which provides grants to non-governmental organizations that champion free healthcare, education and poverty alleviation.

Through The Oppenheimer Memorial Trust, Africa’s second richest man, Nicky Oppenheimer, gives away millions of dollars annually to South African college students, providing bursaries and scholarships from undergraduate to postgraduate level.  Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote is also one of the continent’s biggest givers, even though he just recently embraced philanthropy. Over the last year he has given away more than $25 million to causes as varied as microfinance for small and medium businesses to a mentorship program for young African leaders and Nigerian communities struck by natural disasters.

These are the more significant givers among Africa’s 40 richest:

Strive Masiyiwa, Zimbabwean

The Zimbabwean telecoms tycoon and founder of Econet Wireless is one of Africa’s biggest givers. In 1996 Strive and his wife, Tsitsi Masiyiwa founded the Capernaum Trust, a Zimbabwe-registered Christian charity that supports over 28,000 orphaned Zimbabwean children. The organization provides bursary awards, scholarships, food packs and medical assistance to the children. The charity also funds the construction of libraries and other resource centers where beneficiaries can access educational materials.

Theophilus Danjuma, Nigerian

Nigeria’s former defense minister is the founder and chairman of South Atlantic Petroleum, one of the country’s leading oil exploration companies. Last year he endowed his T.Y Danjuma Foundation with $100 million- the largest in Nigerian philanthropic history. The foundation makes grants to Nigerian-based non-governmental organizations that promote causes in education, free healthcare, policy advocacy and poverty alleviation.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Reports ON THE TRAIL OF BABANGIDA’S BILLIONS

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Read Time:15 Minute, 2 Second

 

-Saharareporters, New York

Of all the big beasts roaming the Nigerian political firmament in expectation of taking over Aso Rock post-May 2007, none comes bigger than the man they call IBB. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida elicits mostly negative emotions from Nigerians, not only because of the eight barren years he spent as the nation’s military head of state and self-styled President, but more for what most consider his brazen audacity to think he can come back under a democratic dispensation after the harrowing experience his leadership put the nation through in those years (1985-1993).

 

Somehow, reading the political tealeaf right now, it would seem IBB is on collision course with history as well as his friend Olusegun Obasanjo, the current occupant of Aso Rock, a man reputed to have been installed by IBB himself in conjunction with a few others. The sudden exhumation of questions surrounding the execution of Mamman Vatsa and some military officers during IBB’s reign over their alleged roles in a supposed coup plot at a time IBB is campaigning to return to Aso Rock is eerily coincidental. In fact, the kind of welcome and official goodwill being bestowed on the widows of these men (led by Vatsa’s widow) by Aso Rock smacks of an attempt to scare Babangida off his mission. Add to that the arrest of Mohammed Babangida (IBB’s eldest son) by the EFCC on the rumored charge that he owns 24% of Globacom, Nigeria’s biggest telecommunications company, and one can begin to get a clear picture.

 

For the ordinary Nigerian, what all the above points to is the possibility of an intra-establishment war of attrition costing the nation dear, as it has always done. The politics of personality anchored on stolen wealth by the various factions have always been the bane of the nation. Neither Obasanjo nor Babangida are good for the nation, but in their own ‘moral’ circle, Babangida probably thinks he has good reasons to expect that Obasanjo would not be a stumbling block to his ambition based on some secret promise or peculiar rules by which these apex figures run the establishment. When all is said and done, these two look like the main characters that will dominate national political discussion between now and 2007 and it simply doesn’t look good for Nigeria.

 

A considerable section of opinion in the country sees Babangida as the godfather of modern corruption in government. They accuse him of institutionalizing the culture of “settlement” where every opposition to him or his policies were bought with state money or government position while he and his minions strip the nation bare. President Obasanjo in the early days of his administration (when all was still honky-dory between them) notoriously challenged anyone to provide documentary evidence of Babangida’s corruption before he can act on it! Naturally, this challenge drew a lot of ire from Nigerians who thought and still think Obasanjo is merely covering up for a man reputed to have worked with others to install him as President in 1999. They contend that Obasanjo does not need any evidence beyond IBB’s palatial home in Minna, which he couldn’t have built with all legitimate monies he’d earned as a soldier and public officer. They repeatedly challenged the President to release the Okigbo Panel Report that indicted IBB for squandering over $12 billion of state money. After a brave and spirited effort by The Punch newspapers to unsuccessfully get Obasanjo to release the report (especially as his Secretary to the Government, Chief Ufot Ekaette was also a member of the Okigbo panel), civil society groups finally released the report publicly. As expected, it was a gripping tale of corruption under General Babangida.

 

Nonetheless, outside the above, no one has yet investigated the many tributaries of the alleged Babangida’s stolen wealth. We hear stories about him owning the Triple Heritage Group, a supposed corporate behemoth involved in all sorts, but whose existence is more phantom that real. We hear of Mike Adenuga and a few other supposedly wealthy Nigerians and foreigners being his fronts; but beyond the tittle-tattle, nothing concrete has ever been presented to make the link. Yes, Babangida has amassed a lot of enemies in the course of time and, naturally, one would expect that there are real people collaborating with him to hide the allegedly stolen billions, but worryingly, nobody in the media, government or security agencies have come up with anything substantive to indict the man. We at Saharareporters are trying to buck this trend by presenting to Nigerians certain findings with regard to Babangida family’s connection to certain questionable dealings.

 

Our investigations began with a company known as Fruitex International London Limited, incorporated in the UK on May 14, 2001 (Company Number 04216189) with share capital of £100,000 (£1 per share capital) paid in cash by its sole Director, Mohammed Babangida (Aminu Babangida, another of IBB’s son joined as a Director last year). The company’s nature of business is recorded as “Agents in sale of variety of goods” and “Services to oil and gas extraction”. Though it lists one Susan Scott (a British citizen) as a Director, she’s indeed the Company Secretary. Every effort to trace the said Susan Scott has so far proved abortive. Nonetheless, Saharareporters got in touch with one Rod Johnson who claims to be the US representative of the company. Mr. Johnson operates from Texas, but from the word go, his modus operandi raises questions about his willingness to answer legitimate questions of public interest put to him with regard to his relationship with Fruitex International London Limited.

 

When we first contacted his Irving, Texas office, his female assistant asked us to leave a voicemail with a promise that Mr Johnson would get back to us the next day. We did, but he never got back to us. We tried again and were asked once again to leave a voicemail. But just as we were about to do so, Mr Johnson picked up the phone. We spoke to him about our mission and asked if he would volunteer information to us per his relationship with FRUITEX International London Limited, including his relationship with the Babangidas and the company’s interest in Irving, Texas. He stoutly declined comment on any of his transactions with the Babangida family, insisting that we present written questions by fax and promising to get back to us by Friday August 18, 2006 (after he’s spoken with his principals). A few hours later, his office confirmed the receipt of our questions by fax. But when we asked to leave a voicemail as well, the same assistant who’d always insisted we leave a voicemail curiously said Mr Johnson has no voicemail recorder in his office. Up to the time of going to the press, Mr. Rod Johnson is yet to return with answers to the questions faxed to him as directed. 

 

Saharareporters also contacted one Tony Wilson who is the Senior Partner of Ashley Wilson, a firm of solicitors linked with the property recorded as the registered address of Fruitex International London Limited (No 53 Marlborough Hill, Flat 4, London NW8 0NG). We explained that we are investigating the activities of Fruitex International London Limited, requesting information on his and his firm’s “relationship with this company and its Directors, Messrs Mohammed and Aminu Babangida and also with Susan Scott who’s also listed as a Director and Secretary of the company”. We pointed out that we understand that certain questions would be governed by Client/Attorney confidentiality, but that what we ask for is information that he is in a position to give by virtue of the firm being registered as a private limited company. Up to the time of going to the press, Mr Wilson is yet to respond.

 

However, this obvious code of silence didn’t stop Saharareporters from further discoveries. We found that “Fruitex” is a generic name for several companies operating mostly in the oil sector, each with their own satellite heads answerable to the Babangidas. The jewel in the crown is obviously Fruitex International London Limited. Though the company’s balance sheet for the end of May 2004 claims a net asset of £400,000 – which is the basis of claiming Section 249A (1) of the Companies Act 1985 exemption from audit as a “small” company – Saharareporters can categorically confirm that at least since 2002 the company (referred to officially in Equatorial Guinea as FRUITEX GROUP) is the full owner of a deepwater choice oil block in Equatorial Guinea (Western offshore Rio Muni) estimated at $8.2 billion. Meanwhile, the company is passing itself off under UK laws as a “dormant company”, claiming that they have never traded and that the only transaction entered into the company’s accounting record is the issue of subscriber shares.

 

 

Yet, there are a plethora of companies all linked with Fruitex International London Limited and the Babangida family and all very cagey about divulging information about their operations that ordinarily should be available to the public. One of such companies is the Nigerian-based Fruitex Oil Exploration and Production Limited based at No 175A Moshood Olugbani Street, off Ligali Ayorinde Street, Victoria Island, Lagos. The company lists its business as providing oil and gas field services and the house it is located is supposedly owned by Chief A.B. C Orjiakor, a specialist surgeon and one of those persons reputed to be amongst the “godfathers” of Anambra politics. In fact, it was Orjiakor and Emeka Offor that worked together to install Chinwoke Mbadinuju as governor in 1999. Emeka Offor claims it was Orjiakor that introduced the Bible-clasping Mbadinuju to him. Chief Orjiakor and Chief Boniface Madubunji are listed as the owners of the company, along with one Mohammed Ibrahim. Our investigations revealed that Mohammed Ibrahim, who owns 65% of the company, is indeed a fusion of Mohammed Babangida and his father, Ibrahim Babangida’s first names. This was confirmed by company insiders who spoke to Saharareporters as well.

 

Dr A.B.C Orjiakor who is listed as Chairman tried very hard at first through his representatives to deny any connection with Mohammed and the Babangidas, but eventually, Don Adinuba, who claims to be the Public Relations Officer to  Orjiakor finally admitted the connection after those initial spirited denials. Chief Orjiakor was also arrested recently by the EFCC, but his representatives claim it was a witch-hunt instigated by Alhaji Aminu Dantata with whom he has a business disagreement. Rev Father Kukah was said to have secured his release, vouching for him as a good Catholic. But one of the conditions of his release is a ban on him traveling outside the country. Further investigations reveal a list of twelve Nigerian-based companies affiliated to Fruitex Exploration and Production limited through “a common principal”. These are ORDREC SHIPPING SERVICES LIMITED, ORDREC PETROLEUM LIMITED, ABBEYCOURT ENERGY SERVICES LIMITED, FIRST ARIES PETROLEUM LIMITED (which owns OPL License 235), ZEBBRA ENERGY LIMITED, ODFJELL INTERNATIONAL LIMITED, SHEBAH EXPLORATION AND PRODUCTION LIMITED, HELKO MARINE SERVICES LIMITED, REBS MEMORIAL SPECIALIST HOSPITAL, AMACH SECURITY SERVICES LIMITED, BERWICK NIGERIA LIMITED and HELKO NIGERIA LIMITED.

SHEBAH EXPLORATION AND PRODUCTION LIMITED is representative of the very many tributaries of the Babangida family operations. Formed in 2001, it is listed as one of winners of the 2005 oil block licensing round. It is the operator of the Oil Mining License 108 offshore Nigeria and was recently awarded 75% of OPL 280 Nigeria and had indeed paid $21 million signature bonus – money they purchased through the CBN Dutch auction in December 2005. Documents obtained by Saharareporters indicate that the SHEBAH EXPLORATION AND PRODUCTION which only has a record of three administrative staff as total employees wouldn’t disclose its share capital or shareholders. It also “declined to give any financial, general background or antecedent information or to reveal the extent of the company’s operations”. It declined also to name its principal bankers and its trade risk is recorded as “High”. In short, every kind of information that should be assessed by the public with regard to the company is simply not given.

 

When Saharareporters contacted one Joe Attueyi who is listed as the Managing Director of SHEBAH EXPLORATION AND PRODUCTION LIMITED (with the same address, phone and fax numbers as Fruitex Exploration and Production Limited) to shed more light on his company’s operations and relationship with the Babangidas, he couldn’t answer many of the questions, including how his company was able to raise the sum of $21 million for the signature bonus. He was more concerned with how Saharareporters came about the information. Mr Attueyi, who is a well-known contributor on the Nigerian listservs circuit on the internet and a self-proclaimed Pastor of the Lamb of God Evangelical Ministry, was obviously panicked. He initially denied his company had any relationship or connection with the Babangidas, but when it became clear o him that we have some more incontrovertible information on the company’s operations, he opted to direct us to his “Chairman”, whom he promised would answer all our questions. His Chairman is no other than Dr A.B.C. Orjiakor.

 

Don Adinuba, the Public Relation Officer to Chief Orjiakor began by telling us Orjiakor could not be reached because he was abroad. When we pointed out that this was impossible as it would be a breach of the condition of his release by the EFCC, he backed down. When he realized he could no longer sell the story that Orjiakor was never arrested by the EFCC, he admitted he was arrested, but has since been released. He explained that the Chief’s business enemies were behind the affair. He claimed Fruitex Exploration and Production Limited and all the affiliated companies are solely owned by Chief Orjiakor and that there is no relationship whatsoever with the Babangidas or Fruitex International London Limited. But in a series of conversations that followed, Don Adinuba between dropping names and further denials began to paint a picture of an unjustly persecuted Orjiakor whose troubles he claims are not unconnected with Alhaji Aminu Dantata. He apologized for attempting to mislead us in the first place and admitted that yes indeed, there’s a relationship between Orjiakor, the companies and the Babangidas. He claimed Fruitex Exploration and Production Limited is a “special vehicle company” set up in conjunction with the Babangidas, as represented by “Mohammed Ibrahim”.

 

There is no doubt that the recent arrest of Mohammed Babangida and Dr A.B.C. Orjiakor is in connection with Obasanjo’s attempt to stymie Babangida’s mission of trying to succeed him as President, rather than a genuine anti-corruption effort. Nuhu Ribadu, Obasanjo’s Man Friday at the EFCC has recently began to pointedly accuse IBB of introducing the notorious 419 crime, including questioning the source of Mohammed Babangida’s wealth since he’s never worked in his life. Of course, Obasanjo is the ventriloquist, but there is no doubt that he is doing all this for self-interest. Ribadu has become bolder now in his public comments against the Babangida family and Saharareporters can confirm that members of the family and his associates are prime targets of the EFCC right now. IBB doesn’t look like he’s intimidated yet and is publicly still claiming to be on good terms with Obasanjo, citing the fact that the latter was one of the first to ring him and wish him a Happy Birthday when he turned 65 recently as sure evidence of their chumminess. However, Nigerians shouldn’t be fooled. Obasanjo and Babangida are heading for a showdown and Nigeria and Nigerians would be the grass that would suffer. The President has to retrace his steps now. He has to stop the witch-hunt immediately and return credibility to the anti-corruption fight by first looking within his own circle. For years now he’s promised to put the EFCC under a civil society oversight body to give it independence, credibility and keep it on the side of the rule of law; but rather than do this he’s turned the organization into his attack hounds.

 

Nigerians are not deceived, Babangida and Obasanjo are siblings of the same decadent establishment and both have nothing positive to offer Nigeria and Nigerians. But we operate a democracy and the rule of law. If the government is convinced of Babangida’s crimes and they have proof of such crimes, then let the man be hauled before a proper judicial authority and tried in an open and fair manner for these supposed crimes. Surreptitiously hounding him or attempting to intimidate him into backing down from his political mission won’t do.  

 What the government should concentrate on is to champion a credible electoral law, a level playing field and a political process devoid of rigging and corruption of any sort – a process that would unequivocally allow the true voice of Nigerians to be heard. If that is allowed, Babangida himself knows he has no chance. He’s posturing today because he knows that under the prevailing system thieves, riggers, murderers and blackmailers “win” elections and run the government. He’s only itching to do what he thinks Obasanjo has done and what he possibly assumes has been agreed between them.

 

Nigerians must not allow these two failed members of the decadent establishment to take us through another national trauma.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Who Were Africa’s Richest Dictators?

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Read Time:3 Minute, 33 Second

 

The richest people in Africa could easily be former and current presidents and rulers of African countries. But don’t expect to find them on our FORBES rich list.

During a recent trip to Nairobi I had a lunch meeting with an old friend and former college classmate who now works as an analyst in one of Kenya’s most reputable Investment banks. I had set up this meeting with him because I sought his expertise in analyzing the fortunes of some of the richest people in the country.

Very soon, FORBES will be publishing its debut list of the 40 Richest Africans, and my editor had sent me over to the beautiful East African country to do some research on the wealthiest citizens there.

My friend and I discussed at length, recounting the success stories of some of the country’s most recognizable and successful businessmen and ascribing figures to the value of their key holdings and assets. It was a fruitful and robust conversation, and I enjoyed every bit of it. But at some point, my friend diverted abruptly from our line of discussion and said something which really struck a chord in me. With a cheeky grin playing on his lips, he said: “Mfonobong, we’re just beating around the bush; you and I both know that in reality the richest people in Africa are our leaders – both the past and the present.”

His observation might not be entirely accurate, but there is some truth to his statement, and it’s much more than just an iota. Forbes has only estimated the net worth of one of these former dicatators, but others have done some fruitful digging.

Theoretically, Sani Abacha, Nigeria’s former military ruler, was a billionaire – and not in naira, but in dollars. Upon his death in 1998, the Nigerian government uncovered over $3 billion linked to the sadistic despot held in personal and proxy bank accounts in tax havens as diverse as Switzerland, Luxembourg, Jersey and Liechtenstein. Following a series of negotiations between the Nigerian government and the Abacha family, Abacha’s first son, Mohammed eventually returned $1.2 billion to the Nigerian government in 2002.

Another theoretical billionaire was Mobutu Sese Seko, the former president of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Over his 30-year reign as ruler of the resource-rich Central African country, Sese Seko amassed a personal fortune estimated by various sources (including Transparency International) at somewhere between $1 billion and $5 billion.  Experts believe virtually all of it was illicitly acquired from the nation’s coffers and stashed away in Swiss banks. While his reign lasted, Sese Seko earned an international notoriety as a poster boy for the excesses of typical African despots. He owned a string of exotic Mercedes cars and divided his time between plush palatial residences in Paris and Lausanne, Switzerland. He also developed a special taste for pink Champagne and flew in fresh cakes from Paris for his consumption.

But one of the wealthiest, albeit lesser-talked about African leaders to emerge from Africa is Nigeria’s former military president, Ibrahim Babangida. The gap-toothed military general and self-acclaimed “Evil genius” is unofficially one of the richest men in Nigeria and in Africa.

The 70 year-old former military ruler governed Nigeria from 1985 to 1993 and is widely believed to have laundered some $12 billion earned from an oil windfall during the 1992 Gulf War. To date, Babangida has not provided any reasonable account for the money –all of which disappeared mysteriously. Since incredibly wealthy and influential Nigerians are typically above the law, Babangida walks around as a free man today. At the moment, Babangida’s wealth is invested through several proxies in a string of businesses owned or managed by wealthy Nigerian businessmen.  One of the more popular Nigerians who has consistently been fingered as a front man for Babangida’s financial interests is billionaire Mike Adenuga who debuted on the FORBES World’s  Billionaires list in March. For a little more insight on Babangida’s wealth, read the article, “On the trail of Babangidas’ billions” available here.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Libya ex-rebels, army clash near airport

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Read Time:2 Minute, 24 Second

TRIPOLI, Libya (AP) — Libya’s military said Sunday that ex-rebels have tried for a second time to assassinate the country’s new army commander, as the two groups clashed near the capital’s airport. The rebels denied the claim.

Army spokesman Sgt. Abdel-Razik el-Shibahy said fighters from the western mountain town of Zintan opened fire on two occasions on Saturday on the convoy of Gen. Khalifa Hifter, the commander of the newly rebuilt army. He said guard was killed and four others wounded in the second attack.

The spokesman said the Zintan fighters mistakenly believed that the army was coming to attack them at the airport, which they have occupied shortly after revolutionaries captured the capital from Moammar Gadhafi’s regime in August.

“Zintan rebels opened fire on the convoy from left, right and front … They think that the army wants to take over the airport but this is not the case,” he said.

The clashes were the latest in a series of violent incidents in the capital that illustrate the difficulties faced by Libya’s transitional leaders in compelling the militias which overthrew Gadhafi to submit to the new government’s authority.

The army says that it is trying to persuade ex-rebel militias to return to their homes, and, if possible, to enlist in its ranks. It has stopped short of demanding their weapons until the interim government can deliver on promises of jobs and training.

The army leadership appears to have the support of many Libyans who are tired of militia-versus-militia clashes and unaccountable young men carrying guns, but the ex-rebels say that the military is too poorly organized for them to submit to its authority.

“Until now, we don’t know anything about the Libyan national army. Who is in charge, where are the military bases, what is its chain of command or even how can rebels join it?” said Khaled el-Zintani, spokesman for the Zintan fighters. “On the ground, the so-called national army is nothing yet.”

He denied that the rebel fighters had tried to kill Hifter, blaming the clashes on the general’s failure to notify them that he was coming.

“What do you expect fighters to do, when a heavily armed military convoy tries to pass checkpoints without previous notification?” he said.

El-Zintani said that rebels are ready to hand the airport to a government agency “only if it is capable of protecting the airport from intrusions.”

Mukhtar al-Akhdar, the Zintan fighters’ commander at the airport, also rejected the army’s authority.

“If this is a real army, why don’t they go protect the borders instead of trying to take over the airport?” he said.

Hifter was named to replace military chief Abdel-Fattah Younis, who was killed in late July. Rebels insisted it was the work of Gadhafi’s regime but several witnesses said Younis was killed by fellow rebels.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Iran says it will not return US drone

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Read Time:1 Minute, 40 Second

 

TEHRAN, Iran (AP) — Iran will not return a U.S. surveillance drone captured by its armed forces, a senior commander of the country’s elite Revolutionary Guard said Sunday.

Gen. Hossein Salami, deputy head of the Guard, said in remarks broadcast on state television that the violation of Iran’s airspace by the U.S. drone was a “hostile act” and warned of a “bigger” response. He did not elaborate on what Tehran might do.

“No one returns the symbol of aggression to the party that sought secret and vital intelligence related to the national security of a country,” Salami said.

Iranian television broadcast video Thursday of Iranian military officials inspecting what it identified as the RQ-170 Sentinel drone.

Iranian state media have said the unmanned spy aircraft was detected over the eastern town of Kashmar, some 140 miles (225 kilometers) from the border with Afghanistan. U.S. officials have acknowledged losing the drone.

Salami called its capture a victory for Iran and a defeat for the U.S. in a complicated intelligence and technological battle.

“Iran is among the few countries that possesses the most modern technology in the field of pilotless drones. The technology gap between Iran and the U.S. is not much,” he said.

Officers in the Guard, Iran’s most powerful military force, had previously claimed that the country’s armed forces brought down the surveillance aircraft with an electronic ambush, causing minimum damage to the drone.

American officials have said that U.S. intelligence assessments indicate that Iran neither shot the drone down, nor used electronic or cybertechnology to force it from the sky. They contend the drone malfunctioned. The officials had spoken anonymously in order to discuss the classified program.

But Salami refused to provide more details of Iran’s claim to have captured the CIA-operated aircraft.

“A party that wins in an intelligence battle doesn’t reveal its methods. We can’t elaborate on the methods we employed to intercept, control, discover and bring down the pilotless plane,” he said

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Nigerians abroad face hard times

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Read Time:2 Minute, 49 Second

 

Nigerians abroad face hard times *As they beg people at home for money *Remittances from abroad reduce to $5bn annually FOLLOWING the harsh economic situation being experienced by European countries and the United States of America, Nigerians in the diaspora are now going through difficult times and have resorted to begging money from those at home.

As a result of this, remittances from Nigerians in the diaspora have reduced from $12 billion to about $5 bilion annually.

 

The Director-General (DG), Budget Office of the Federation, Dr Bright Okogu, made this revelation on Thursday in Abuja, while speaking on “achieving inclusive growth through pro-poor spending” at the third economic policy and fiscal strategy seminar, organised by the Centre for the Study of Economies of Africa (CSEA).

According to Okogu, the sovereign debt crisis and the declining Gross Domestic Product in Europe, low manufacturing output in France, Germany, Italy and Spain and growing US debt to the Gross Domestic Product ratio have led to situations where Nigerians abroad are now finding it difficult to make ends meet.

To survive the harsh economic climate abroad, Okogu said these Nigerians now beg their relations at home to send money to them.

 

“This is what I have seen, this is what I have heard, and it is as bad as that,” Okogu said.

Because of the declining remittances from Nigerians in the diaspora, the DG Budget Office said the Nigerian economy would be badly affected, stressing that the growth of the economy largely depended on the informal sector.

In her presentation on “Nigeria: Implementing an investment-friendly transformation,” the coordinating Minister for the Economy and Minister of Finance, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, highlighted the four-point agenda of the Federal Government as macro economic stability, critical structural reforms, institutional support for corruption fighting agencies and investment in priority sector.

 

Stressing the need to budget at prudent oil price, the minister stated that this informed the government’s reduction of the 2012 oil price budget benchmark from $75 per barrel to $70 a barrel.

 

Okonjo-Iweala, who frowned on the 74.4 per cent recurrent expenditure, said that by 2015, the recurrent expenditure of the country would have been reduced to below 70 per cent.

 

Though the minister said it might be difficult to lay off workers, she, however, disclosed that the Federal Government intended to achieve this recurrent expenditure reduction by merging parastatal agencies, which, she said, were performing similar functions.

 

 

In order to ensure macroeconomic stability and sustainable growth, the coordinating minister said plans were ongoing to increase non-oil tax revenues, reduce multiplicity of taxes and laevies and improve collection efficiency.

 

She said henceforth, all revenue collection agencies would remit 25 per cent of all revenues collected by them as against the usual practice of remitting peanuts.

 

She said the actions the government took to ensure 48-hour cargo clearance included streamlining the number of agencies from 14 to seven, mandating 24-hour operations for customs and other agencies, disbanding the Nigeria Customs Service Task Force, investing in port infrastructure and developing container management strategy.

 

To be competitive, she said the Federal Government had appointed a task force in the form of a private sector monitoring group to monitor compliance at the ports as far as the customs and port reforms were concerned.

 

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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How To Make Nigeria, Africa Great

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Read Time:6 Minute, 17 Second

Jonathan, Zuma, Mohammed At Yar’Adua Lecture

Obasanjo, Atiku Extol Yar’Adua’s Virtues

VISITING South African leader, Jacob Zuma, Nigeria’s President Goodluck Jonathan and former National Security Adviser (NSA), Lt.-Gen. Aliyu Mohammed yesterday spoke of the need to have a stronger Africa; a continent where leaders are willing to make sacrifices for the greater good of their people.

Zuma, at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua memorial lecture, which held in Abuja, also rationalised his country’s position on Libya before the fall of former leader, Muammar Gaddafi, decrying the western neo-colonial agenda in the process.

President Jonathan, represented by Vice President Nnamdi Sambo, used the occasion to draw attention to the strides that his administration has made in the areas of electoral reforms, infrastructure and social services.

Chief Obasanjo, who chairs the Yar’Adua Centre’s Board of Trustees, said he was a living witness to the late Shehu Yar’Adua’s strategic use of power in the military and politics. He praised the centre for providing social responsibility programmes and public policy pursuits.

He listed the programmes supporting 25 academically talented students from less-privileged families, two communal libraries as well as assistance to the Katsina State government eye centre.

Gen. Mohammed, who was the guest speaker, delivered a chilling message to Nigerians, warning against threats to the health of Nigeria and listing critical reasons the country would remain a weak state if it did not quickly become self-reliant in agriculture.

Speaking on the topic: Actualising Nigeria: The dynamics of power, politics, enterprise and security, Mohammed, quoting Shehu Usman dan Fodio, said: “The crown of the leader is his integrity, his stronghold is his impartiality and his wealth is the prosperity of the people.”

In the 27-page lecture, Gen. Mohammed extolled the virtues of the late Yar’Adua, but lamented that much has not changed in the country despite the sacrifices of people like the late General.

While urging the country’s leadership to pay attention to the youths seen as the critical drivers of power, politics, enterprise and security, as unemployment rates in Nigeria has hit 23 percent; he flayed the nation’s dependency on food import despite having the largest tracts of arable land in Africa.

He said: “We cannot feed ourselves. We depend on food import,” adding that press reports quoted “the Minister of Agriculture as saying that Nigeria spent N98 trillion ($628 billion) between 2007 and 2010 on importation of food.”

As if that was not bad enough, he drew attention to the need to fix the country’s education sector.

He pointed out that published figures show that in Ghana alone, there are 71,000 Nigerian students who pay tuition fees of not less than N155 billion annually, compared to the annual budget for all federal universities of N121 billion.

Drawing parallel between security and population, he said that by the turn of this century, according to reports, Nigeria’s population would hit about 725 million, at a time when land is depleting due to environmental conditions.

“The quality and quantity of our present population will determine the level of national strength to ‘actualise Nigeria’ in the 21st Century…” adding that, there was need to ensure that “the rate of increase in our educated population exceeds the rate of increase of our actual population.”

He concluded the lecture by quoting a letter that Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua wrote to his son on September 12, 1997, from the Abakaliki prison, two months before his death.

He said: “I don’t want my children to grow up in a country that has no future — a country that you cannot be proud of…

“I would not have achieved anything if after I am gone, all I have left behind are empty houses and some bank accounts — for these are nothing — they can be acquired by any idiot.

“I want to leave for you something you can be proud of, a legacy of public service and sacrifice, which will influence our country for good, which you will be proud to inherit and which I will be proud to pass over.”

President Zuma told his audience that the late Yar’Adua was a defender of democracy and a courageous freedom fighter, stressing that Nigeria was a thriving democracy today owing to the sacrifices of people like Yar’Adua, “who paid the supreme sacrifice for the liberation of his people.”

He quoted Yar’Adua before he died to have said: “Do not worry about me. It is the sacrifices that some of us have to make for our country to be free.”

Zuma spoke generously about the challenges confronting Africa today, alluding to the need for Nigeria and South Africa to work together and lift the continent.

However, his keynote address took a swipe at the West, emphasising that the economic models, particularly the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), which they forced on African countries, have now turned out to be a failure in their home countries.

He recalled an edition of The Economist in May 2000, which disparaged Africa as a “hopeless state.” Yet, this month, the same newspaper is reporting that “Africa is rising,” as six of the fastest growing economies in the world are now in Africa.

“The current global economic crisis has put question marks on the western economic models… worshiped yesterday,” Zuma said.

He, however, warned that unless critical resources were mobilised, Africa stood the risk of not meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) just three years to the target date.

On Libya, the South African president criticised those nations that, he said, exploited a genuine demand by the Libyan people to rain bombs on that country and kill its leader.

“The manner in which Libya was treated by some countries of the West will remain a scar for us for years to come. At the upcoming AU summit, we must deliberate so we do not have a repeat.

“The Libyan situation is a challenge. How do we build a democratic Libya? We cannot do it alone. We need the Arab League. It is not just only Libya but also the countries surrounding it.

“Some countries have been looking for excuses to intervene in the continent. Libya’s situation is a reminder of the need to have unity in Africa…”

He added: “For us to succeed in making Africa a continent of success and prosperity, attention has to be paid to peace and security.”

Atiku, in his short remarks, while introducing the South African President, said he and Zuma were like soul mates.

He said Zuma was politically persecuted as vice president and removed from office; so, he too, was politically persecuted except the Constitution did not allow him to be removed from office, a comment that drew laughter from the audience.

Among personalities at the event were wife of the late Yar’Adua, Binta and his son, Murtala; former president of Mali and former chairperson of the African Union (AU) commission, Alpha Omar Konare; the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Olugbenga Ashiru and Alhaji Umaru Mutallab, former chairman of UBA and First Bank.

Author of this article: From Martins Oloja and Oghogho Obayuwana, Abuja

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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Atiku skips Obasanjo in protocols

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Read Time:2 Minute, 3 Second

(Codewit)THE lingering feud between former President Olusegun Obasanjo and his vice president for eight years, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, yesterday, reverberated as Atiku chose the occasion of the 1st Shehu Musa Yar’Adua memorial lecture to display his contempt for his former boss as he skipped him (Obasanjo) in his protocol list.

The former vice president had recognised all the dignitaries at the occasion including the visiting South African President, Mr Jacob Zuma, who was the special guest of honour, but left out Obasanjo.

Atiku, however, was quick to apologise when his attention was drawn to it by an aide of former National Security Adviser, General Aliyu Gusau Mohammed. The former vice president then said: “Before I continue, let me apologize for skipping my boss, President Obasanjo, I apologise”.

 

Obasanjo is the chairman of the Yar’Adua Foundation while Atiku is the vice chairman.

As if the omission was deliberate, the former vice president went further to relay his persecution under his former boss, telling his audience that like Zuma, he (Atiku Abubakar) was persecuted in office while serving as vice president.

He told the audience which included Vice President Namadi Sambo, who stood in for President Goodluck Jonathan, and former president of Mali, Alfa Konare, that, in the cause of duty and interaction with Zuma, who was then serving as vice to Dr. Thabo Mbeki, ex-South African president, he discovered that he shared many things in common with Zuma, ranging, among others, as coming from a very humble background and rose to become vice president and was persecuted while in office, the same way Zuma was persecuted and kicked out of office.

”Zuma was persecuted and later removed from office. I was also persecuted while in office, but the constitution of Nigeria blocked them from removing me from office. Ever since we became friends when we established the common things about us, in fact when I visited South Africa as Vice President, President Zuma took me to his village where I was warmly welcomed and I saw beautiful Zulu maidens. When he also visited Nigeria, I took him to my village in Adamawa”, he said.

Obasasnjo, however, did not have the opportunity to respond, having spoken first while delivering his welcome address.

Welcoming the guest, Obasanjo said that the Yar’Adua Centre features social responsibility programmes and public policy projects supporting 25 academically talented students from less privileged families and two community libraries.

About Post Author

Anthony-Claret Ifeanyi Onwutalobi

Anthony-Claret is a software Engineer, entrepreneur and the founder of Codewit INC. Mr. Claret publishes and manages the content on Codewit Word News website and associated websites. He's a writer, IT Expert, great administrator, technology enthusiast, social media lover and all around digital guy.
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